Derry Model has become a muddle as a result of centenary divisions

In October 2002, Bishop Kenneth Good, Church of Ireland Bishop of Derry and Raphoe, spoke of Unionist ‘alienation and insecurity’ and pointed to a community feeling frozen out.

Young people from a Unionist background regarded the ‘West bank’ as a ‘no-go area’.

Parents and older family members, drawing on experiences of violence, destruction of businesses and the murder of friends and relatives, no longer felt any close association with a home city lacking inclusivity and respect for diversity.

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Many of those who had been born and lived on the city side of the Foyle, having re-located during the years 1969-1975, shopped elsewhere. Schools and churches experienced decline and, in some instances, closed.

In 2018, the release of classified records showed that in 1993 the development of a ‘segregated city’ was a growing problem. The ‘plight’ of the Protestant minority in Londonderry’s Cityside was raised by Mark Durkan senior, then an SDLP Derry City councillor.

Mr Durkan spoke of being concerned at Protestants’ sense of being ‘isolated and marginalised’; that close to 18,000 Protestants had left to cross the river. Concern was expressed that the overwhelmingly ‘nationalist ethos’ of the city had been a continuing factor as violence reduced; that of those who stayed, most were older individuals who lacked effective representation.

The problem deepened as protests at parades hardened divisions in the city. Eventually, with parading organisations and resident groups seeking resolution and prompted by business and police, talks began which led to the resumption of parades but expediency on all sides did not lead to any strong sense of reconciliation or transformation.

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Significant change did not begin until 2011 prompted by Building Confidence: Ways to Support Protestant Participation and Inclusion in the North West commissioned by community representatives of the PUL constituency. The Report presented timely research as another initiative, Gateway to Protestant Participation, was underway.

These came together as fresh leadership was emerging. Wide-ranging recommendations emerged and served to stimulate action around these including:

Lack of sustained and collaborative capacity-building; and

A decline in confidence in Protestant political leadership.

In response to the last of these the community looked to an alternative leadership. This led to the formation of the Londonderry Bands Forum. Initially 2 bands showed interest, but by 2013 the Forum had grown to 14 and acquired funding from IFI to appoint a full-time co-ordinator.

Initially focused on ‘challenging misconceptions about bands’, dialogue and cultural expression, the Forum promoted understanding of the role the pro-Union constituency could play in shaping a better future for all.

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Prepared to take risks, the co- ordinator delivered a presentation at a Sinn Féin Ard Fheis, the forum played a positive role in the UK City of Culture and the All-Ireland Fleadh, engaged in what others described as difficult conversations, collaborated in numerous cross-community cultural projects, led the way on parades management and engaged in bonfire issues. In all of this, the Forum remained unaligned with any political party.

In 2015, the Bands Forum joined with five cultural partners to form the North-West Cultural Partnership.

This pooling of cultural leadership energised positive development in terms of cultural expression, community re-generation and reconciliation.

Adhering to principles of respect for cultural diversity, dialogue and a shared home, the partnership delivers accredited educational programmes and courses, a Fringe Festival of music, debate and drama, Decade of Centenaries publications and a variety of programmes aimed at upskilling, fitness and health issues.

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Adhering to its position on inclusivity and collaboration, peace programmes, cultural tourism initiatives and projects shared with Gaelic Language centres and joint cross-cultural events have been delivered within the community. Young people have benefitted as life has changed.

Political representatives have had little input into the developments but have led the branding of the improvement in the cultural and social environment as a ‘Derry Model showcasing the city as a place where contentious issues and how they are addressed eliminate tension and division.

Yet, the notion of such a model is seen as over-heated and not as robust as presented.

Recently this has proven to be the case. Politics has been at the centre. At a recent meeting, the DCSDC Council adopted a proposal which described partition as an ‘injustice’ and took a stance, described as ‘corporate ‘that it would not support any ‘event celebrating or commemorating the partition of Ireland.’

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All of the independents, SDLP and Sinn Féin members voted for the proposal even though the SDLP had supported an earlier motion to seek funds to facilitate organisations which wished to commemorate the foundation of Northern Ireland. The DUP were quick to cry ‘foul’ and the Derry Model has become something of a muddle.

In his recent book,‘Secret Life of a Special Adviser’, Peter Cardwell refers to his time in NI with James Brokenshire MP and his experience that people here go ‘out of their way’ to be offended and may have a point, but the situation in Derry goes beyond offence in that it raises matters of equality and parity of esteem.

The board of NWCP has stepped up to point to the ‘inappropriate actions’ of the Council and is reviewing its participation in Peace Programmes until the matter is reviewed and the consequences addressed.

Basing its preliminary planning for the NI Centenary around ‘Celebration, Reconciliation and Reflection’ it is surprised that Council is distancing itself, without any consultation, from a considered, sensitive and inclusive approach.

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It also views the stance of the Council as political rather than corporate and in breach of the principles of Good Relations, Section 75, Together Building a United Community and New Decade, New Approach with regards to culture, heritage and identity.

The public silence of parties on the Council suggest that the case may have some validity. With Peace Plus on the horizon, its reliance on cross-community buy-in and the economic, social and political benefits which can accrue, it is a situation in need of speedy resolution.

To borrow from the LAKOTA, ‘the left and the right wing are part of the same bird’. Careless words may no longer cost lives but they can undermine the fragility in relations.

Our politicians at all levels need to choose words and measure actions against criteria to which they have signed up. Derry is not a nationalist city. It is shared and the muddle of the Derry Model needs to be sorted.

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